|
Apropos of my remarks on the railings round London
squares, a correspondent writes: ‘Are the squares to which you refer
public or private properties? If private, I suggest that your comments in
plain language advocate nothing less than theft, and should be classed as
such.’
If giving the land of England back to the people of
England is theft, I am quite happy to call it theft. In his zeal to defend
private property, my correspondent does not stop to consider how the
so-called owners of the land got hold of it. They simply seized it by force,
afterwards hiring lawyers to provide them with title-deeds. In the case of
the enclosure of the common lands, which was going on from about 1600 to
1850, the landgrabbers did not even have the excuse of being foreign
conquerors; they were quite frankly taking the heritage of their own
countrymen, upon no sort of pretext except that they had the power to do so.
Except for the few surviving commons, the high
roads, the lands of the National
Trust, a certain number of parks, and the sea shore below high-tide
mark, every square inch of England is ‘owned’ by a few thousand
families. These people are just about as useful as so many tapeworms. It is
desirable that people should own their own dwelling houses, and it is
probably desirable that a farmer should own as much land as he can actually
farm. But the ground-landlord in a town area has no function and no excuse
for existence. He is merely a person who has found out a way of milking the
public while giving nothing in return. He causes rents to be higher, he
makes town planning more difficult, and he excludes children from green
spaces: that is literally all that he does, except to draw his income. The
removal of the railings in the squares was a first step against him. It was
a very small step, and yet an appreciable one, as the present move to
restore the railings shows. For three years or so the squares lay open, and
their sacred turf was trodden by the feet of working-class children, a sight
to make dividend-drawers gnash their false teeth. It that is theft, all I
can say is, so much the better for theft.
I note that once again there is serious talk of trying
to attract tourists to this country after the war. This, it is said, will
bring in a welcome trickle of foreign currency. But it is quite safe to
prophesy that the attempt will be a failure. Apart from the many other
difficulties, our licensing laws and the
artificial price of drink are quite enough to keep foreigners away. Why
should people who are used to paying sixpence for a bottle of wine visit a
country were a pint of beer costs a shilling? But even these prices are less
dismaying to foreigners than the lunatic laws which permit you to buy a
glass of beer at half past ten while forbidding you to buy it at twenty-five
past, and which have done their best to turn the pubs into mere boozing
shops by excluding children from them.
How downtrodden we are in comparison with most
other peoples is shown by the fact that even people who are far from being
‘temperance’ don’t seriously imagine that our licensing laws could be
altered. Whenever I suggest that pubs might be allowed to open in the
afternoon, or to stay open till midnight, I always get the same answer:
‘The first people to object would be the publicans. They don’t
want to have to stay open twelve hours a day.’ People assume, you see,
that opening hours, whether long or short, must be regulated by the law,
even for one-man businesses. In France, and in various other countries, a
café proprietor opens or shuts just as it suits him. He can keep open the
whole twenty-four hours if he wants to; and, on the other hand, if he feels
like shutting his café and going away for a week, he can do that too. In
England we have had no such liberty for about a hundred years, and people
are hardly able to imagine it.
England is a country that ought to be able
to attract tourists. It has much beautiful scenery, an equable climate,
innumerable attractive villages and medieval churches, good beer, and
foodstuffs of excellent natural taste. If you could walk where you chose
instead of being fenced in by barbed wire and ‘Trespassers will be
Prosecuted’ boards, if speculative builders had not been allowed to ruin
every pleasant view within ten miles of a big town, if you could get a drink
when you wanted it at a normal price, if an eatable meal in a country inn
were a normal experience, and if Sunday were not artificially made into a
day of misery, then foreign visitors might be expected to come here. But if
those things were true England would no longer be England, and I fancy that
we shall have to find some way of acquiring foreign currency that is more in
accord with our national character.
In spite of my campaign against the jackboot – in
which I am not operating single-handed – I notice that jackboots are as
common as ever in the columns of the newspapers. Even in the leading
articles in the Evening Standard, I have come upon several of them
lately. But I am still without any clear information as to what a jackboot
is. It is a kind of boot that you put on when you want to behave
tyrannically: that is as much as anyone seems to know.
Others besides myself have noted that war, when it
gets into the leading articles, is apt to be waged with remarkably
old-fashioned weapons. Planes and tanks do make occasional appearances, but
as soon as an heroic attitude has to be struck, the only armaments mentioned
are the sword (‘We shall not sheathe the sword until’, etc., etc.), the
spear, the shield, the buckler, the trident, the chariot and the clarion.
All of these are hopelessly out of date (the chariot, for instance, has not
been in effective use since about A.D. 50), and even the purpose of some of
them has been forgotten. What is a buckler, for instance? One school of
thought holds that it is a small round shield, but another school
believes it to be a kind of belt. A clarion, I believe, is a trumpet, but
most people imagine that a ‘clarion call’ merely means a loud noise.
One of the early Mass Observation reports, dealing
with the coronation of George
VI, pointed out that what are called ‘national occasions’, always
seem to cause a lapse into archaic language. The ‘ship of state’, for
instance, when it makes one of its official appearances, has a prow and a
helm instead of having a bow and a wheel, like modern ships. So far as it is
applied to war, the motive for using this kind of language is probably a
desire for euphemism. ‘We will not sheathe the sword’ sounds a lot more
gentlemanly than ‘We will keep on dropping block-busters’, though in
effect it means the same.
One argument for Basic English is that by existing
side by side with Standard English it can act as a sort of corrective to the
oratory of statesmen and publicists. High-sounding phrases, when translated
into Basic, are often deflated in a surprising way. For example, I presented
to a Basic expert the sentence, ‘He little knew the fate that lay in store
for him’ – to be told that in Basic this would become ‘He was far from
certain what was going to happen’. It sounds decidedly less impressive,
but it means the same. In Basic, I am told, you cannot make a meaningless
statement without its being apparent that it is meaningless – which is
quite enough to explain why so many schoolmasters, editors, politicians and
literary critics object to it.
|
|